It has not been uncommon to hear from scholars or perhaps read in academic literatures that nationalist struggle began in Nigeria immediately after the peoples of the area had been brought together by the 1914 amalgamation. In other words, that British amalgamation of 1914 kindled a nationalist upsurge in the minds of peoples in the area. Obviously, the evolution of Nigerian nationalism undoubtedly dated back to even before the inception of the 20th century. As a matter of fact, the disparate kingdoms empires, ethnic and tribal groups that constituted what was amalgamated as Nigeria in 1914 put up different forms of resistance against foreign domination.
At a stage G.O Olusanya described as a stage of traditional nationalism, polities like that of Opobo, Itsekiri, Benin, Ijebu, Egba, among others engaged the British force. The primary focus of the traditional nationalists was to resist the advance and domination of the British over their territories. Many Nigerian traditional rulers could not accept the overt and pervasive influence of foreign authority in their lands. In addition, the repatriates, many among whom had attended missionary school, added a spark to nationalist struggle in Nigeria before 1914 amalgamation. It is noteworthy that the early phase of nationalist agitation was only particular to individual polities. This distinctiveness was perhaps due to the fact that the British conquered the Nigerian polities one after the other. Hence, there was not really any united Nigerian struggle against the British conquest until the country had been brought together in 1914.
On the other hand, the position of Lagos as an extension of ‘Her Majesty’s empire’ and intellectual abode placed her at a vantage position to house and direct the course of Nigeria nationalism. Little wonder, giant steps taken against British colonial policies were from Lagos. Whereas, majority of Nigeria elites from western and eastern region converged in Lagos; the nationalist machineries were stationed in Lagos. For instance, the highest numbers of educated elites were in Lagos. In addition, newspaper like Lagos weekly record criticized the activities of the British vehemently. Elites in Lagos had begun to demand for the right to be involved in their government and elect their representatives from around 1875. It is pertinent to note that while the south took central stage in the fight struggle for political liberation, the northern part of the country took the backstage. Little wonder, some refer to nationalism during this period as southern affair.
Subsequently, as the stages of nationalism graduated to that of plaintiff nationalism, Nigerians began to demand for changes in the British policies and legislations. It would suffice to say that at this point, the peoples had accepted, at least in official term, that colonial rule had come to stay. However, many colonial legislations and policies were challenged vociferously. The problems of economic exploitation, racial discrimination, and inadequate opportunities in the civil service and in the commercial houses greatly irritated Nigerians. The invocation of ‘life threatening’ legislations like that of capitation of tax and imposition of water rate further angered the peoples. The imposition of taxes on women led to serious riot in places like Aba. The land expropriation legislation was protested as Nigerian delegates like Bishop James, Sapara Williams among others went to London to submit their discontentment. The elites also sought participation in their government.
In 1920, National Congress of British West Africa Council (NCBWA) sent delegates to London to make demand for remodification of the legislative council to accommodate Nigerian elected representatives among others. This direct move was perhaps inspired by the enlightenment of the First World War. Irrespective of the response of the colonial governor to this daring move, the colonial government introduced an elective principle with the Clifford Constitution 1922. In response to the terms of the Clifford Constitution, two major political parties were established- NNDP and NYM. However, this elective principle was so narrow in scope and width as it considered only Lagos and Calabar- four and one Nigerian representatives respectively. Political activities were only limited to Lagos and Calabar. Over time, the elites continued to pressure the colonial government for a more extensive inclusion in the government. They criticized the outrageous fusion in the arms of government. However, Nigerians had to endure the subversive terms of the Clifford Constitution until 1947 that their agitation forced a slight amendment. Subsequently, Macpherson Constitution of 1951 followed and that of Lytletton came in 1954. More radical minds began to emerge. It is noteworthy that the north at this point was still very passive to the idea of nationalism.
Pertinently, many factors accounted for the radicalism in the character of Nigerian Nationalism from around 1940s. One factor was the emergence of more vibrant politicians. The enlightenment that came with the World War II in addition to the ‘’Atlantic Charter Propaganda’’ was another. Radical involvement of stakeholders in the trade union and formation of political parties spurred nationalist minds. The activities and vibrancy of the like of Obafemi Awolowo, Dr Nnamdi Azikwe, and Anthony Enahoro among others were more confrontational. It would however suffice to say that since the introduction of regional system in 1947, the nationalist struggle in the country began to toe a regional path. Political parties like National Council of Nigeria and Cameron (NCNC), Action Group (AG), and Northern’s People Party (NPC) represented the interest of the three major ethnic groups. It is noteworthy that Azikwe’s NCNC which had seemed to uphold a symbol of national unity, at least in pursuit, erred and to ed the path of regional politics. While the north was obsequious to the dictates of the colonial authority, the south was more radical and hell-bent on attaining independence. The north in addition was very skeptical of southern domination in an independent Nigeria. The south controlled strategic administrative positions and boasted of far educational abilities.
Ahmadu Bello, Nnamdi Azikwe and Obafemi Awolowo, the three main figures controlled their individual regions. The three figures harboured mutual suspicion of ethnic domination. Undoubtedly, this mutual suspicion jettisoned the essence of the nation’s imminent independence. One would be safe finally to maintain that the Nigerian nationalism evolved with ardour and great zeal particularly from the second half of the 19th century, albeit there was no uniformity in different ethnic conceptions. Ethnic discrimination and lack of common focus to a large extent belittled the input of nationalist major nationalist leaders. Today, the country still wallows in the consequences of the ‘nature and character of its nationalism’.
Reference
G.O. Olusanya, “The Historical Basis for Nigerian unity” Journal of Business and Social Studies, vol. 3, No. 1, December, 1970
Obaro Ikime, Groundwork of Nigerian history, HEBN Publishers Plc, (1 ghodaro road, Jericho, P.M.B 5205, Ibadan)
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